from Eurozine
Sex between the Simpsons, those bright
yellow, four-fingered drawings, has just set a new standard for child
pornography law and social absurdity. Or to put it another way, a court in New South Wales has decided that pictures are
more powerful than we ever realised, when it ruled that an online
version of The Simpsons was child pornography. [The decision affirmed the decision of a lower court.]
Some fool altered those ironic yellow creatures, to add genitals and draw Bart, Maggie and Lisa Simpson having sex with each other. By
putting the animated cartoons on his computer, he gave Australian law
the opportunity to rewrite child pornography law. In McEwen v. Simmons & Anor,
the New South Wales Supreme Court, in an opinion by Judge Adams, engaged in some of the most tortuous
reasoning child pornography law has yet produced. He did start by
acknowledging that there is a "fundamental difference in kind between a
depiction of an actual person and the depiction of an imaginary
person". In the end, however, he decided that if it's "about a person",
it is a person. Where that logic could lead, I leave you to ponder. To
give Adams his due, the judge, at heart, was much less concerned about
theories of representation than about the spectre of harm to real
children. As in all child pornography cases, his underlying fear was
that no freedom of speech is worth even the slightest or most
hypothetical risk of any sexual abuse of any real child. According to
the impulse, if there is any chance whatsoever that anything remotely
resembling what anyone anywhere could call child pornography would
"fuel demand for material that does involve the abuse of children",
then it should be illegal.
Art and child pornography law have been set on a collision course since
the eighties. Until then, censorship laws in most western countries
were on the decline. A growing cult of the child, however, reversed the
trend. And that was in the era of analogue imagery. During the last
decade, as digital technology has transformed visual communication, the
conflict between art and law has only grown worse.
You will date yourself if you can remember the fateful year in which a
15-year-old Brooke Shields murmured hoarsely that nothing came between
her and her Calvin Klein jeans, while a lushly coloured photograph
solicited your lust for the shape of a child-woman (1980). In the
following years, legal landmarks including the United States Meese
Commission, (Attorney General's Commission on Pornography, 1986) the
1989 case Massachusetts v. Oakes, the 1991-94 case Knox v. the United States,
and the 1996 Child Pornography Prevention Act declared an escalating
definition of obscenity where children were concerned. In England,
Wales, Scotland and Ireland, the trend and chronology was much the
same. Important British legal markers included: the 1978 Protection of
Children Act, the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, c.33
& 84, and the 2000 Criminal Justice and Court Service Act, c.43,
& 41.
The stricter the laws became, the more difficult interpretation proved.
What exactly does "naked" mean? Upon consideration, some clothing
appeared as "obscene" as nudity. Where does the "genital area" begin?
Somewhere high on the thigh? What is "prurient"? When does a child
behave "naturally" and when does a child display an "unnatural" pose,
costume, facial expression or glance? Are any of these "obvious"? If
so, who has the right to decide? One photo developer? One judge? One
self-appointed "child-rights activist"? Is one person's opinion all
that needs to matter?
Pictures intended to arouse a desire to have sex with children
certainly do exist. Since when have all the polymorphous possibilities
of sexual arousal not been represented? If prostitution is the oldest
profession in the world, sex may be the oldest artistic subject –
whether you call it fertility rites, erotica or pornography. The ones
about children are sometimes of explicit acts of copulation, but
rarely. Most of them depend heavily on innuendo, accessories, settings,
labels or voice-overs.
What seems sexual in one context will not necessarily seem sexual in
another. Japanese representations of children in popular culture, for
example, were very different from those in Europe and North America
until the end of the twentieth century. Adult social codes of sexuality
reign supreme in any context. Take lipstick, for example. Sarah Palin,
accepting the nomination to be vice president of the United States,
infamously amused us by asking: what is the difference between a hockey
mom and a pitbull? Such is the power of lipstick that it can also be
all it takes to make the difference in a photograph between what we
perceive to be innocent and what we perceive to be sexual, especially
if the lipstick is worn by a girl. Yet there is nothing inherently
sexual about lipstick. It is a sign of sexuality on which we have to
agree to make it mean anything. Contrary to what hopeful censors would
have us believe, the overwhelming majority of pictures of children,
clothed or unclothed, are ambiguous. Sexuality is very much in the eye
of the beholder.
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